From: Dominique Dinh
Email: tmnguyen@ix.netcom.com
Course: CD170: Contextual infuences on cognitive development
College: SJSU
Instructor: DR.Eugene Matusov
ClassWeb: http://www.matusov.com
ChildrenObservations:
Date: 22 May 1997
Time: 11:35:59
Remote Name: ncr-us9-20.ix.netcom.com
This paper examines how cognition shapes in three different cultures: Japan, China, and the United States. We look at school philosophy, classroom activities, curriculum, student/student relationship, student/teacher relationship, and how students respond to the school philosophy in three cultures. After viewing the literature, we found there are significant differences.
Each culture has its own beliefs or ways in teaching the children. For example, the average Japanese class includes roughly 30 students, as opposed to a U.S. average of 12. Japaneses believe in a large classes help to diffuse intense, one-on-one relationships between teacher and student that are considered inappropriate in Japan. In contrast, in United States preschools one-on-one relationships between teacher and student are encouraged Impact of Japanese culture on cognition development The Japanese reputation for academic excellence at elementary and secondary levels has been well established, both by consistently high scores on IEA (International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement) tests (Peach, 1994).
This paper will discuss how Japanese teaching philosophy, curriculum, and classroom activities have an impact on cognition development of the Japanese children. One of the interesting facets of early childhood education in Japan is the explicitly straightforward socializing functions of its schools. Japanese nursery and kindergarten activities are explicitly designed to facilitate the socialization of Japanese children. From the literature that I have reviewed, I do not think that the Japanese educators follow any well-known philosophy to teach their children. A relationship between a mother and her child is a central human relationship in Japanese. This relationship measures by the concept of “amae” which is the assurance of security. Therefore, the Japanese mothers foster dependent behaviors from her children. In contrast, American mothers might strive to teach her children to be independent.
According to Peach (1994), Japanese culture places a great value on smooth assimilation into groups. However, the indulgent child-rearing techniques of Japanese mothers do little to prepare their children for the social organization. The teaching of basic social values is an explicit aim of Japanese child care centers, nursery schools and kindergartens. This goal is both desired by parents and acknowledged by teachers and school administrators. This policy eliminates lessons or activities aimed at academic development until the child reaches elementary school (Peach, 1994).
How many children do Japanese teachers have in each class? American early childhood education specialists stress the importance of small classes, small student/teacher ratio. They believe that the smaller the class and the smaller the ratio then children have more time to interact with the teachers (Tobin, Wu & Davidson, 1987). However, Japan schools function with class sizes and student/teacher ratios that far exceed American prescribed limits on students per teacher. The average Japanese preschool class includes roughly 30 students, as opposed to a U.S. average of 12 (Tobin, Wu & Davidson, 1987). These large classes help to diffuse intense, one-on-one relationships between teacher and student that are considered inappropriate by the Japanese. The Japanese preschool teacher is not considered mother substitute, and a large class makes it difficult for her to fulfill that role. Strong one-on-one relationships between teacher and student are discouraged for fear that they might inhibit interaction between students and diminish opportunities for student leadership (Peach, 1994).
Japanese teachers do permit their children much greater behavioral leeway than any U.S. teacher would. To the surprise of Western interviewers, Japanese teachers do not speak of this “chaos” as a burden. Rather, they consider it to be an asset that allows the children to express their exuberance and helps them to see the consequences of their own disruptive acts. Children who display this “youthful exuberance” are thought to be developing in a healthy manner. Such exuberance is even officially worked in the school day. For example, some teachers prefer loud shouting of “I’m here!” over a more sedate response (Peach 1994). Japanese teachers do not watch their students as closely as U.S. teachers do. The Japaneses seem to have more reliance on children’s ability to learn self-regulation. Often, teachers do not enforce requests or check to see if the children have complied with them. Teachers view their job as one of encouraging children’s understanding of what is proper behavior, not merely rule enforcers (Peach, 1994).
The nonacademic focus of the Japanese preschool does suggest a number of interesting notions. It may be, for example, that an early socialization in appropriate behavior sets a psychological foundation for later academic learning that a more loosely structured organization cannot provide (Peach, 1994). Why do the Japanese students score higher on IEA? Test scores indicate that Japanese children are testing higher than any other children in the world (especially in math and science), the social and psychological dimensions of Japanese education are similarly impressive and are primary contributors to higher levels of cognitive achievement.. The support given by family and teachers to the emotional and behavioral development of the child provides a base for the child’s acquisition of knowledge and problem-solving skills. But beyond this, the Japanese think a major function of education is the development of a happy engaged, and secure child, able to work hard and cooperate with others (Peach, 1994). In order to understand the context of the Japanese [ educational system, some basic information is necessary:
Tradition, ideology, and international competition are not the only motive forces in Japanese education; other factors are as significant. First, Japan has a relatively homogeneous population. racially and economically there is little variety. Minority groups such as Koreans exist and do suffer some discrimination, but all children have equal access to good schooling. Second, education financing and planning are centralized.. While American educational policy sees the responsibility for schooling as a local matter, Japanese planners can rely on a centralized source of funding, curriculum guidance, and textbook selection. The most significant outcome of centralization in Japan is the even distribution of resources and quality instruction across the country. Third, Japanese teachers enjoy respect and high status, job security, and good pay.
References
Harnisch, D. L. (1994). Supplemental education in Japan: Juku schooling and its implication. Journal Curriculum Studies, 26 (3), 323-334.
Peach, M. (1994). The nonacademic curriculum of the Japanese preschool. Childhood Education, 4, 9-13.
Tobin, J. J., Wu, D. Y. H., & Davidson, D. H. (1987). Class size and student/teacher ratios in the Japanese preschool. Comparative Education Review, 11, 533-548.
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