From: Grace Uemura
Email:
Course: CD 169; Motivation
College: San Jose State University
Instructor: Eugene Matusov
ClassWeb: http://www.ematusov.com/cd169
ChildrenObservations:
Date: 23 May 1997
Time: 01:32:13
Remote Name: isc-ts2-85.sjsu.edu
This paper discusses the cultural differences in the emphasis of play education. While some cultures place a deeper emphasis on academics for young children, most child psychologists will agree that play is an essential part of a child's life. The Japanese culture provides both academic and play based preschools for many children. Similarly, the United States also includes academics as well as play into their programs. Most programs promote the encouragement of child-centered play, where they are allowed the experience and explore their surrounding world. A look into the United States and Japanese preschool systems and their cultural intentions with the development of children will be discussed.
The theories of social and cognitive development are frequently perceived as separate domains of functioning (Berk, 1994). This notion of social experience as a means to shape the way individuals think and interpret the world was introduced by psychologist Lev Vygotsky. Theorists have long assumed that one of education's functions is to socialize individuals to the skills, attitudes and values of the dominant society (Peach, 1994). Smilansky felt that the ability to play in the socio-dramatic mode was sufficiently important to teach children who were not adept at using it (as cited in Creaser, 1990). Most early childhood psychologists will agree that socio-dramatic or pretend play is an effective medium through different play styles that children adopt to approach life and learning, at which children reach their peak at ages four to six years, when children are often experiencing their first institutionalized care and educational settings (Creaser, 1990). Developmentalists have commonly described play as instinctive, voluntary, spontaneous, done purely for pleasure, and has no predetermined result (Guddemi, 1992).
In the United States, the recognition of the importance of play has been recognized in the Declaration of the Rights of the Child (Guddemi, 1992). This granted children the right to food and survival, to shelter and protection, to development and education, to freedom and participation--and the right to leisure and play (Guddemi, 1992). Research has shown that it is important to allow children the experience to explore the world at their own pace, and to structure the educational environments in ways that are regarded as child-centered, developmentally appropriate, and fun. Various settings are influential factors that create the characteristics and personalities of children. Therefore it is necessary to examine various cultural influences that may alter the personality of a child.
Hence, a look into preschools in Japan and in the United States to further our understanding of the different cultural influences in play education. Japanese preschools constitute the one sector of the Japanese educational system that might be termed experimental (Boocock, 1989). Non-compulsory, thus, making it less tightly controlled than schools at the higher levels, the preschool system exhibits greater diversity, flexibility, and innovativeness than other Japanese social institutions (Boocock, 1989). Japanese educational practices have recently been subjected to much scrutiny by Americans seeking to understand the high academic achievement of Japanese students, and this examination even included the preschool years (as cited by Shigaki, 1991). The Japanese commitment to education has its roots in history where learning and education are not only highly respected, but are considered the means to personal and societal improvement (Sato, 1992). Parents and children take education seriously because success in school is a crucial determinant of economic and social status in adult life (Sato, 1992).
In the modern Japanese system, two important assumptions underlie educational practices, as stated by Sato (1992): One is that virtually all children have the potential to master the challenging academic curriculum, provided they work hard and long enough. The second is that certain habits and characteristics can be taught. The premise is that all children have equal potential. Differences in student achievement are thought to result largely from effort, perseverance, and individual ability (p. 5). In Japan, there are two types of preschools: kindergarten and day nurseries (Sato, 1992). Kindergartens admit three-five year old children, and provide one-three courses of education. The day nurseries cater to infants aged zero-five, including those that need institutional care. These Japanese preschools aim at helping children develop their minds and bodies by providing a sound educational environment, which includes the first stages of reading and simple arithmetic. In both types of schools, DeCoker recognizes that all children develop things such as oral language, fine-motor coordination, and the ability to pay attention and follow the routine (DeCoker, 1989). "Children in all preschools also spend a great deal of time at play" (DeCoker, 1989). In a study by Tobin , Wu & Davidson, (1987), they found that Japanese teachers feel the purpose of preschool is to give children a place to be children (p. 541). "To be a child is to be wild and noisy. Children growing up in Japan these days miss too many chances to be real children. I think preschools should give them the chance" (Tobin et al., 1992, p. 541).
In the United States, children between the ages two - six spend most of their time away from homes and parents, attending preschool and day care programs (Berk, 1996). Preschool programs vary greatly ranging from child-centered preschools to academic preschools (Berk, 1996). Child-centered schools primarily allow children to explore on their own without much adult intervention, while the academic programs focus on learning letters, numbers, shapes and colors (Berk, 1996). The term preschool refers to half day programs with planned educational experiences aimed at enhancing the development of two - five year olds (Berk, 1996). In contrast, day care relates to a variety of arrangements for supervising children of employed parents (Berk, 1996).
Shigaki suggested that while Japanese and American day care settings share many commonalties, a crucial difference centers on differing cultural values being transmitted even from infancy (Shigaki, 1991). In American society, White maintains that independence and self-confidence or self-expression are commonly cited values (as cited in Shigaki, 1991). In contrast, the Japanese society values group and interdependence, and persistence (Shigaki, 1991). The Japanese commitment to education has its root in history where learning and education are not only highly respected, but are considered the means to personal and national development and that it requires the active and sustained commitment of energy and resources at all levels of society (Sato, 1992).
Harmonious human relationships fostered by such traits as sympathy and compassion, and a sense of the group and of the community have been characteristic of the Japanese society (Shigaki, 1991). While fostering groupism, preschools maintain high student-teacher ratios. According to Tobin , Wu & Davidson, (1987), research suggests that the large ratios are functioning effectively throughout Japan (Tobin et al, 1987, p. 547). Such large-group preschool teaching techniques include: Delegating authority to children, intervening less quickly in children's fights and arguments, having lower power expectations for children's noise level and comportment, using more musical cues and less verbal ones, organizing more highly structured, large-group daily activities such as taiso (morning exercise), using a method of choral recitation for answering teacher's questions rather than calling on individuals, and making more use of peer-group approval and opprobrium and less of the teacher's positive and negative reactions to influence children's behavior (Tobin et al., 1987, p. 547). White indicates that children who don't feel that group activities are more fun than individual ones don't yet know the happiness of playing together (as cited in Shigaki, 1991). Pleasure in group play is fostered by Japanese caregivers through such practices as providing ample opportunities for engaging in identical activities including group synchronized rhythmic movement (Shigaki, 1991). Such group activities are often composed of four - eight members, whom the teacher selects based on friendships, and even distribution of ability and gender balance (Peach, 1994).
Kohlberg and Lickona argue that in classrooms in which there is a strong feeling of group cohesion, each child can feel a sense of connection and positive self-worth as a member of the class (as cited in Kotloff, 1993). Such classrooms promote the social and moral development of children by giving each child a sense of responsibility for the welfare and success of the group, by teaching children to be responsive and empathetic toward others, and by developing children's ability to resolve conflicts and make decisions in cooperation with their peers (Kotloff, 1993). The concern for socialization in Japanese day care may result in less emphasis placed on cognitive development, contributing to the low proportion of complex play bouts observed (Shigaki, 1991). While concentration may be a prerequisite for good achievement, it appears that at least in the first three years of life there is little emphasis on academics in Japanese day cares (Shigaki, 1991).
Although the dominant values of Japanese society are still conformity and hard work, play education is beginning to take its vital role in the community. For more than three decades now, the Declaration on the Rights of the Child had granted children the right to play. Play is viewed as very important in the United States to children for several reasons. "Play is a basic need along with nutrition, health, shelter and education" (Guddemi, 1992, p. 1). When children play their interests are self directed, free from any external rules, with interests in the variety of ways goals may be achieved (as cited in Creaser, 1990). Also, when children play with objects, they discover what they can do with them, and are actively engaged, without being easily distracted (as cited in Creaser, 1990).
Vygotsky recognized the importance of social and cultural experience in development and viewed language as a critical form of communication with others. One concept he presented was the zone of proximal development, in which children engaged in activities that they could not accomplish alone, but with the support of others, they were able to take responsibility for their own tasks and achieve the concept of cooperative learning. The ideas of cooperative learning that Vygotsky introduced leads to his strong view of play and its relationship on physical and verbal communication. According to Vygotsky, fantasy play is a "leading factor in development" (as cited in Berk, 1994). The assumption is that play is a pleasurable experience, but Vygotsky notes that there are other things that are also just as gratifying, but not necessarily considered play, such as eating sweets or receiving attention from a parent (as cited in Berk, 1994). The experience of play allows children to explore and expand their mind in discovering new things. In Vygotsky's theory, Berk notes, play is the preeminent educational activity of early childhood.
For teachers who have already incorporated play within their curriculum, Vygotsky's theory proves that play has a prominent role in the development of children. Boyer recognized that currently in America, there is a growing trend towards recognizing the importance of the early years in the total education of the child (as cited in Guddemi, 1992). "Learning starts at birth. What happens during the first five years is actually the foundation for be more formal, abstract, and structured learning that happens after age eight. And play is an integral part of this foundation"(Guddemi, 1992, p. 5). Granting children the right to food and survival, to shelter and protection, to development and education, to freedom and participation---and the right to leisure and play---was the easy part, but guaranteeing children those same rights is much more difficult (Guddemi, 1992).
While many child psychologists agree that socio-dramatic or pretend play is an effective medium through different play styles that children adopt to approach life and learning, the discrepancies of the definition of play still remains. Society has many obligations towards children that are essential for their proper development, growth, and learning abilities of children (Guddemi, 1991). The United States is fortunate to have declared rights to children, and guarantees those rights to all children. While research does indicate that children need ample time to explore their surroundings, various settings can create difficulties in achieving them. Although educating other countries may help provide better care of children, guaranteeing play in the development of children may not be possible in some cultures. Unfortunately, many countries are not aware of the consequences of childhood developmental difficulties, therefore the need to educate and inform the thousands of different cultures is essential.
References
Berk, L. E. (1996). Cognitive development in early childhood. In Infants, children, and adolescents. (pp. 312-350). Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
Berk, L. E. (1994). Vygotsky's theory: The importance of make-believe play. Young Children, 50(1), 30-39.
Boocock, S. S. ( 1989). Controlled Diversity: An overview of the Japanese preschool system. Journal of Japanese Studies, 15(1), 41-65.
Creaser, B. (1990). Rediscovering pretend play. Australian early childhood resource booklets. Watson: Australian Early Childhood Association, Inc. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 370689)
DeCoker, G. (1989). Japanese preschools: Academic or nonacademic? In J. J. Shields, Jr. (Ed.), Japanese schooling (pp. 45-58). The Pennsylvania State University Press.
Guddemi, M. (1992). The child's right to play. United Nations Press Conference. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. 346961)
Kotloff, L. J. (1993). Fostering cooperative group spirit and individuality: Examples from a Japanese preschool. Young Children, 48(3), 17-23.
Peach, M. (1994). The nonacademic curriculum of the Japanese preschool. Childhood Education, 71(1), 9-13.
Shigaki, I. S. (1991). An examination of social interaction and play activities of infants and toddlers in Japanese day care. Los Angeles, CA: International Conference of Infant Studies. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 338419)
Sato, M. ( 1991). A cross-cultural comparison of American and Japanese educational systems. Tokyo, Japan: Conference of the Japan United States Teacher Education Consortium. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED 350230)
Tobin, J. J., Wu, D. Y.. & Davidson, D. H. (1987). Class size and student ratios in the Japanese preschool. Comparative Education Review, 31(4), 533-49.